Oríon (Portuguese Edition)

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In other words, the condition sine qua non for a virtuous polis is an internal integrity entirely undisturbed by what lies beyond its boundaries. The Athenian had promised to legislate with nothing in view but virtue; and from the beginning virtue implies exclusion and, indeed, exclusion firmly rooted in the land: good citizenry is a matter of good land Plato The Athenian proposes to develop this devotion much further through the internal organization of the imagined colony. The principles of self-sufficiency and equality in privilege necessitate that all citizens will be farmers.

Their devotion to the land is thus heightened once more. To be a citizen is more than living on a land; it is to work with the land; only our citizens, not the very few foreigners who will be permitted to visit and work in the polis, will be allowed to do so. Further, this land is to be divided into an equal number of lots, which pass by inheritance but can neither be divided nor given away Plato : in this way and others both wealth and poverty are kept in check. There is also a sort of public safety bureau that oversees the laws of the city and supervises its proper balance. Now, given the importance of the land, it should come as no surprise that exile is the second harshest punishment, after the death penalty.

Exile becomes a political punishment, then, because to be a citizen is to have a special rapport with the land. We still associate our capabilities and responsibilities as citizens with a particular land where we may participate in political life, a land we are always trying to keep pure and uncontaminated by foreign influences metaphorically or more literally. All countries monitor the foreigners who are allowed to set foot on their soil the American Patriot Act being only one of the more overt manifestations of this through visa systems, and whatever foreigners wish to bring — from agricultural to cultural products — is rigorously controlled.

Mad cow disease, tuberculosis, obscene materials, weapons, and so forth, are just a few of the many contaminants that contemporary nation-states may seek to exclude, even while nominally throwing open their borders to free trade. While we no longer generally exile our convicts — though we do deport citizens of other lands who break our laws — we still remove them from the land and significantly restrain their political agency by institutionalizing them in corrections facilities. As we can see, then, land and the rights and duties of citizenship continue to be intimately linked.

This model, however, as we will see later on, is inappropriate for us today. Pure isolation, even as an ideal, is untenable. He argues — on a version of social contract theory extended to the national level — that just as 48 Farhang Erfani and John Whitmire individuals must leave the lawless state of nature in order to guarantee their own survival, so too must states eventually unite to deal with the problems of ungoverned antagonism. The argument runs as follows. So political life does not end these battles; it only enforces certain restrictions within them that allow us to flower as human beings.

Concurrently with the administration of justice within the state, we must also solve the external problem of the relation of state to state, because though individuals within the various states are united in political bonds, these states themselves still effectively exist in a state of unrestricted freedom with regard to each other.

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Kant is not, however, sanguine about the possibility of an international state, which would, in fact, demand either the dissolution of all individual states or the domination of all the nations by a single despotic state. The most important point here, for our purposes, is that hand in hand with this gradual expansion of a peaceful federation goes the concept of cosmopolitan right, which extends to what Kant calls universal hospitality. So, once again, we see a common land as the foundation of this right.

This argument opens up not only a right of resort, then, but a corresponding duty on the part of political societies — the duty of hospitality.

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We briefly examine some of the problems with each model, and then propose an alternative solution. We do not offer a valorisation of the nomadic or exilic subjectivity that, as Hoffman has noted, is now very much in vogue within certain circles.

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For us, this is the meaning of a poetics of exile lodged within the heart of philosophy. In the case of Plato, the purity of the land is, of course, geographically untenable today. More importantly, his hope for creating a city that is essentially grounded in virtue is also irretrievable for us. Whose essences?

Which virtues? The inextricable plurality of values in the modern nation-state simply does not lend itself to Platonic isolationism. In the case of Kant, nature as a political matrix is quite problematic, and cultural relativism represents a severe challenge to traditional human rights theories, customarily grounded in natural law and universal reason. Defenders of Kantian and other models of cosmopolitanism believe that it is possible to find a wellgoverned and peaceful reconciliation of all our differences, at least as a regulative ideal.

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We certainly agree that the political terrain is growing beyond the domains of traditional political thought; but we disagree with the chimerical view that hopes for the overcoming of all such conflicts in politics. In other words, from a philosophical point of view, the essentialism and rational universalism of the traditional cosmopolitan view make it inadequate for us. From a political perspective, where instead of cosmopolitanism people speak of globalization, there are still other obstacles.

Here, advocates of globalization such as Thomas Friedman and Francis Fukuyama defend the elimination of local boundaries in the name of a better and more global world. They see globalization as the work of integration Friedman 8. In their view, the expansion of capitalism means the expansion of democracy. This conflation of democracy and market capitalism has had disastrous consequences: attacking capitalism — theoretically or otherwise — has meant attacking democracy.

Yet, at the same time, the World Bank and IMF projects in the Third World have failed at the staggering rate of sixty to seventy percent.

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Poor workers are often forced to become illegal aliens in the search for better pay or working conditions. Consequently, as corporations have learned to move from one land to another, millions — in rich and poor countries — have lost their voices and political capacities precisely by being restricted to their own land. Decisions made by corporations nominally headquartered in the United States affect millions of people from China to Mexico, people who are either economically or legally prohibited from pursuing the consequences entailed by a consistent globalization.

This is a kind of exile in reverse, in which ordinary people across the globe have not lost their land, but have lost their political powers. Subsidies for their own less-productive industries, and levies on correspondingly more-productive industries from poorer nations, are less an exception than a rule.

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Against the failures and inconsistencies of globalization, some on the right, and many on the left, have retreated to a kind of 52 Farhang Erfani and John Whitmire parochialism. John Gray, an influential conservative, has come to criticize globalization and has proposed measures to protect nations — especially rich Christian nations — from savage capitalism.

We have already seen the philosophical impossibility of a return to the ideal purity of the nation-state inherent in its essentially and, we would add, productively maculate collection of virtues and values. Another significant consequence implicit in this retreat to parochialism whether tacit or open , however, is the rise of an ugly xenophobia in many of these richer nation-states.

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  • It has been seen rearing its head in more or less evident ways, but the most obvious of these is the increasing impermeability of borders to those who might otherwise have sought refuge on their far side. This fear of contamination the residue of parochialism , coupled with the unwillingness simply to deny entry the residue of cosmopolitanism to all those fleeing from their homelands for political, socio-economic, racial, religious, or other reasons, gives rise to the horrifying modern phenomenon of the border camp. Given that both globalization and parochialism have considerable failures, what are we to do?

    As we have seen, both operate on the model of political agency based on land: the parochials are trying to limit and protect the land for the sake of protecting their politics; the cosmopolitans are trying to expand the field of political action by making the entirety of the globe its proper terrain. In a fluid, post-modern world, which allows ideas, capital, and even some persons to move easily around the globe, and in which all of us are affected by others in unprecedented ways, we believe it is Exile and the Philosophical Challenge to Citizenship 53 necessary to recognise that political participation is no longer if it ever was simply a local matter, contained within finite geographical boundaries.

    We can no longer afford the luxury of thinking and acting merely locally; indeed, the primacy of locus, or place, to political agency is what we have been chiefly interested in problematising here. We would argue that we must, instead, begin to think of citizenship in terms of strategic interest, in terms of what people have in common, and no longer solely in terms of land.

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    Political participation must no longer be a local issue; it should be horizontal, across the globe, where similar political interests would be able to have a global and associated voice. The United Nations is certainly one such forum for discussion, but it is not, and should not be, the last word in political representation, inasmuch as it proceeds on the often-spurious presumption that states — and ultimately, as we have shown, all those who are tied to a given body of land — have something like a set of uniform political interests that override all other ties, whether these be economic, racial, gender, or otherwise.

    We can only hint, in this context, at what that model might look like for us. Our central focus here has been economic, but we are not trying to claim the exclusive priority of economic considerations. We are simply arguing that the loss of political agency if this ever existed of oppressed groups — including, most fundamentally, exiles and displaced persons — must be addressed within the context of the economic issues we have already delineated.

    Economic issues are, in our view, a primary objection to the kind of cosmopolitanism-cum-globalization we have described, but there are other, equally legitimate struggles that must also be dealt with here. We must not lose sight of these struggles e. We must empower and foster the growth of bodies such as the United Nations, Amnesty International, Greenpeace, Human Rights Watch, Doctors Without Borders, and other organisations that serve to articulate the concerns of voiceless interests — both broad and narrow, opposing and convergent — while at the same time insisting that they have sufficiently democratic structures and representation, with elected and accountable officials.

    Such citizenships retain many practical benefits, and in some cases our interests are tied more or less directly to the land. To utilise our earlier categories, we are proposing a thicker cosmopolitanism not restricted to the Kantian duty of hospitality towards the refugee, one built on the intercontextuality of conflicts and interests rather than on a universal hegemonic rationality. We return, in concluding, to the question of exile.

    This is still the fate of too many people across the globe. But we are now presented with a different, more complicated situation in addition to this traditional quandary. We hope to have provided the beginnings of such a project here. Notes 1 For more on Heidegger and the impossibility of making exile a universal human condition, see Farhang Erfani. We must credit Kant for seeing the need for a transnational politics, even in face of his suspicion towards a transnational state. However, although he does insist on a very limited right of resort even within the current political situation, he never goes so far as to offer political agency — citizenship — to those exiles residing in another state.

    Philosophers often speak of cosmopolitanism and its benefits. Globalization is a phenomenon that focuses more on economic expansion. There is, however, a theoretical connection: the champions of globalization believe that the global freemarket will also contribute to the progress of human rights, peace efforts etc. That any society, according to this view, regardless of its size, is constituted by difference is not a new idea. Hegel, most famously, defended it. On line at: www. We believe that the European Union is a good example of this kind of expansion of citizenship, while preserving the need for some local politics.

    Cosmopolitanism and Human Rights. Wales: University of Wales Press. Dummett, Michael. On Immigration and Refugees. London: Routledge. Friedman, Thomas.

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    • The Lexus and the Olive Tree. New York: Anchor Books. Fukuyama, Francis. The End of History and the Last Man. New York: Free Press. Gray, John. New York: New Press. Heidegger, Martin. Being and Time tr. Macquarie and E.